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After the Drug Wars

After the Drug Wars


 

En un contexto en el que el fracaso de la guerra contra las drogas es evidente y en el que se aproxima la Sesión Especial de la Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas sobre el problema mundial de las drogas (UNGASS 2016), London School of Economics and Political Science presenta su nuevo informe “After the Drug Wars”.
El Grupo de Expertos de LSE en Economía de las Políticas sobre Drogas reconoce que la UNGASS 2016, independiente de los resultados que tenga, representa el final de una estrategia fallida y contraproducente. De esta forma, el informe pone en el centro de la discusión el escenario que viene después de esta guerra y plantea una serie de principios para la construcción de políticas de drogas basadas en los derechos humanos y el enfoque de salud pública.
Descargue aquí el documento completo.

En un contexto en el que el fracaso de la guerra contra las drogas es evidente y en el que se aproxima la Sesión Especial de la Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas sobre el problema mundial de las drogas (UNGASS 2016), London School of Economics and Political Science presenta su nuevo informe “After the Drug Wars”. 

 

El Grupo de Expertos de LSE en Economía de las Políticas sobre Drogas reconoce que la UNGASS 2016, independiente de los resultados que tenga, representa el final de una estrategia fallida y contraproducente. De esta forma, el informe pone en el centro de la discusión el escenario que viene después de esta guerra y plantea una serie de principios para la construcción de políticas de drogas basadas en los derechos humanos y el enfoque de salud pública.

 

 

 

 
Auge y caída de la prohibición del Cannabis

 

Aunque la planta de cannabis ha sido utilizada históricamente con fines medicinales, espirituales y recreativos, lleva varias décadas sometida a un estricto control por parte del sistema de fiscalización de estupefacientes de la ONU. Varios países europeos y latinoamericanos, así como algunos estados de los Estados Unidos y Australia, han recurrido a múltiples acciones de descriminalización de la posesión del cannabis para uso personal, sobrepasando los límites del sistema de tratados de control de drogas. Esto ha llevado a un arduo debate sobre las políticas de drogas a nivel mundial y la clara necesidad de revisar los tratados para “adoptar políticas de cannabis que se adecuen mejor a las necesidades de países y poblaciones concretas”.

 

En esta publicación del Transnational Institute y el Global Drug Policy Observatory (GDPO), se presentan los resultados de la investigación realizada por Dave Bewley-Taylor, Tom Blickman y Martin Jelsma sobre la historia del cannabis en el sistema de fiscalización internacional de drogas, las reformas actuales, el alcance de la flexibilidad de los tratados y las opciones de reforma que existen. Para leer la publicación completa, haga clikc aquí.

 
Crímenes de agua: una crisis global en ascenso

En "Crímenes de agua: una crisis mundial en ascenso", una conferencia dada el 20 de febrero de 2015 en la Cátedra Brookings Mountain West, Vanda Felbab-Brown explica los principales motivos de la intensa competencia por el agua que existe actualmente a nivel global. En muchas partes del mundo, han emergido sofisticadas redes mafiosas para el contrabando del agua. Los modos de contrabando se incluyen el desarrollo de tuberías ilegales, entregas de camiones ilegales, la cooptación de los reguladores del agua, cómplices en el fraude de licencias, así como la más amplia aquiescencia del gobierno para la entrega ilegal del liquido. Ilegalmente conseguida y contrabandeada, el agua se utiliza para el consumo personal, la agricultura, la industria, y a veces para otras actividades de carácter ilegal, como la producción de narcóticos. Para ver la conferencia completa sobre este problema global haga clikc aquí.

 

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Búsqueda Avanzada: A New Chance for Haiti?
Título:      A New Chance for Haiti?
LibroID:      0686
Autor(es):      International Crisis Group ICG,
Año:      2004
Mes:      -1
Dia:      -1
ISBN/ISSN:      0
Idioma:      Español
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Imagen:      cover
ebook:      Descargar Documento
Descripción:      ICG Latin America/Caribbean Report Nº10, 18 November 2004
Nine months after an armed uprising and international pressure forced President Jean-Bertrand Aristide to resign, the security situation in Haiti is worsening. The UN Mission, established on 1 June 2004, has deployed only two thirds of its authorised force and failed to disarm armed supporters of the disgraced leader and members of the equally disgraced disbanded army. If international intervention is not to fail for the second time in a decade and Haiti to become a failed state haemorrhaging refugees to the U.S., it is essential to start a serious disarmament process and a more inclusive political process that aims at building a national consensus, not merely holding promised but increasingly at risk 2005 elections.
In a year that was supposed to have been dominated by celebrations marking the bicentenary of their victory over slavery and colonisation, Haitians have had to contend with political violence, an abrupt change of government, and humanitarian crises resulting from two tropical storms. In early 2004, after several years of fruitless diplomatic efforts to bridge political polarisation, Haiti was again convulsed by political violence. Pressured particularly by France and the U.S., Aristide left the country on 29 February. His fall led to a dangerous reconfiguration of a fragile political landscape, including the alarming re-emergence of the former military and their civilian allies who had led a successful coup against him in 1991.
The UN Security Council authorised rapid dispatch of a Multinational Interim Force to stabilise the country and a follow-on peacekeeping mission, MINUSTAH. However, only two thirds of the prescribed force has deployed, leaving a security vacuum that has had disastrous consequences. A transitional government of technocrats led by former UN functionary Gérard Latortue as prime minister was quickly installed but it has been hampered by lack of a comprehensive political agreement. Mainly because it and MINUSTAH have not tackled disarmament of illegal armed groups, Haiti is drifting towards anarchy. The transitional government has failed to establish its authority in most of the provinces where former military are acting unlawfully as security providers. At the same time, armed Aristide supporters are asserting control of most of the capital's poor neighbourhoods and are increasing attacks on police and civilian targets. At least 80 Haitians -- including eleven police officers (three beheaded) -- have been killed in unrest and often violent pro-Aristide protests that began on 30 September, the anniversary of the 1991 coup d'état. Most were shot in heavily populated Port-au-Prince slums where armed groups battled with the Haitian National Police, who have been accused of summarily executing young men in the Aristide strongholds.
Although the U.S.-led international force was in a strong position to disarm and demobilise rebel and pro-Aristide forces when it entered, very little was done. MINUSTAH has failed to implement the primary aspect of its mandate, to stabilise Haiti, and its inaction has allowed the former military to consolidate, making it more difficult to confront them in the future. With fewer than 3,000 demoralised, poorly equipped and poorly trained members, the police lack the capacity to restore order. It is urgent to increase the number of UN peacekeepers to the level set by the Security Council and to toughen their strategy for dealing with illegal armed groups.
The transitional government lacks a political base and appears increasingly fragile. The transition process is at stake, and urgent corrections are needed to bolster it. These include a broader political agreement, acceleration of the process to constitute an impartial police force and judiciary, and immediate disbursement of pledged funds for visible reconstruction and recovery projects.
Also essential is a broad national consultative process to set out the priorities, objectives and timetable for the transition and steer the transitional government's policy until an elected successor takes office. Ideally this would start with local and departmental consultations, leading to a national conference with representatives from all political sectors and civil society groups. MINUSTAH should facilitate this with the participation of other international actors. The reconciliation process must go beyond Aristide's party (Fanmi Lavalas) and the former opposition to encompass other social, economic and regional groups. The objective should be to broker a pact among all Haitians that would constitute an inclusive agenda at least until elections in 2005. The holding of those elections should be considered as a principal item of the transition agenda, but not the only one.
The international community hopefully will draw the right lessons from the last, failed intervention so it can help the country move forward at last on the path of democratisation and development. They include the need to engage on security and development for a lengthy period -- at least a decade -- including a genuine process of inclusiveness, building of state capacity in public education and health, and support for urban jobs and sustainable agriculture.